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Если не указано иное, под человеком далее подразумевается Homo sapiens.
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Политиков, проживающих в Вашингтоне, критикуют как «саквояжников» (C. Raasch, in St. Louis Post-Dispatch (2016).) и «недосягаемых» для своих избирателей(A. Delaney, in The Huffington Post (2012).). Но если вы вынудите всех членов Конгресса жить в одном месте, между ними начнут выстраиваться отношения. Как сказал Орнштейн: «Если вы стоите на бровке во время футбольной игры со своим коллегой, с которым сидите в соседних кабинетах на работе, а также с вами находится его супруг(а), вам будет гораздо сложнее демонизировать его, когда вы окажетесь на рабочем месте» (C. Gibson, Restoring Comity to Congress (Harvard Kennedy School, 2011).). Принадлежность к одному сообществу способна восстановить чувства причастности и общей цели, которые были утрачены нашими представителями. Если между нашими представителями не может быть контакта, пусть он будет хотя бы между персоналом. Мало кто знает, что нашим правительством в основном управляют молодые идеалисты чуть старше 20 лет, надеющиеся изменить нашу демократию. Эффективность правительства связана с качеством персонала (J. McCrain, Legislative staff and policymaking (Emory University, 2018).). Именно персонал предоставляет представителям информацию, основные тезисы и брифинги. Когда вы звоните своему представителю или посещаете его, вам ответит или встретит молодой сотрудник. Когда вы слышите выступление политика на конференции, именно младший сотрудник кратко изложил информацию для него. Персонал проживает на одной из самых дорогих территорий в США и получает за свой труд копейки, скажем, 20 тысяч долларов США в год. Когда я поговорил с одним из моих бывших студентов, который работает в персонале у сенатора США, он сказал, что у персонала республиканцев и демократов мало возможностей завести отношения в какой бы то ни было форме. Он никогда даже не обедал с сотрудником из другой партии. Если в старшем поколении слишком укоренилась поляризация, то чтобы привнести широту взглядов, которая объединит молодежь, надо не так уж много. Многие из этих молодых людей десятки лет пробудут в политике. Через дружбу и даже шапочное знакомство они смогут добиться большего, чем опытное старшее поколение. Но если не дать им этого шанса, то в будущем полярность продолжит усиливаться.
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Другие исследователи провели еще более расширенные тестирования (Kaminski & Marshall-Pescini, 2014; Lampe, Brauer, Kaminski, & Viranyi, 2017; Marshall-Pescini, Rao, Viranyi, & Range, 2017; Udell, Spencer, Dorey, & Wynne, 2012). Биолог Адам Миклоши сравнивал группу волков и собак, выращенных в одинаковых условиях. Он незамедлительно отметил несколько различий. Даже в щенячьем возрасте собаки больше волков использовали коммуникативные сигналы для общения и взаимодействия со своими опекунами. Щенки собак скулили, махали хвостами и смотрели в глаза людям, тогда как волчата выражали тревогу и даже агрессию по отношению ко всем, даже кормильцам (Gacsi et al., 2009). Щенки собак чаще смотрели в глаза людям, чем волки (Bentosela, Wynne, D’Orazio, Elgier, & Udell, 2016; Gacsi et al., 2009). В самом деле, когда собакам и волкам давали контейнер с едой и они не могли его открыть, собаки оглядывались на своих кормильцев, как бы прося помощи, тогда как волки продолжали пытаться решить проблему самостоятельно (Miklosi et al., 2003; Topal, Gergely, Erdőhegyi, Csibra, & Miklosi, 2009). Когда Адам протестировал способность волков использовать указательный жест, они проигнорировали протянутую руку кормильца, хотя до этого тот же самый человек многократно показывал его. Даже после интенсивного обучения волки не могли превзойти собак, которых никто не обучал человеческим жестам. Наша исследовательская группа сравнила свыше двух дюжин щенков собак и волков одного возраста и выявила, что у собак было преимущество в общении с человеком не только по несоциальным задачам. Это исследование вело к правдоподобному объяснению того, как собаки стали нашими лучшими друзьями и чемпионами в «человеческом» общении.
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Согласно прогнозу нашей модели, некое количество видов рыб уже являются главными кандидатами на одомашнивание, поскольку изменения в их библиотеке генов развития вызывают дружелюбие и внешне не связанный с ними попутный продукт. Возьмем, к примеру, вид слепой пещерной рыбы, известной как астианакс. Эта рыба эволюционировала из речных рыб. Пещерная рыба развивалась в водоемах, где не было ни света, ни хищников. Эксперименты показали, что речные виды, которые должны защищаться от хищников, в 10 раз агрессивнее пещерных. Тем временем у пещерных рыб гораздо более чувствительный нос и вкусовые органы, за счет чего они в четыре раза эффективнее в сравнении с их зрячими родственниками добывают корм в темноте. Примечательно, что все эти изменения восходят к гену-библиотекарю (семейство генов и соответствующих им белков), который предлагает другие способы попадания серотонина в мозг эмбриона пещерной рыбы.
По мере взросления пещерной рыбы у нее производится больше серотонина, и участки мозга, отвечающие за снижение агрессии, становятся более восприимчивыми, а чувство обоняния и вкуса усиливается. Тот же самый процесс не дает развиваться глазам, и они остаются слепыми. Отбор по принципу дружелюбия предпочитал рыбу, у которой ранее в мозге увеличилось количество серотонина. Это изменение в развитии на раннем этапе привело как к поведенческому, так и к морфологическому изменению, которое стало причиной успеха неагрессивной слепой рыбы (Retaux, S., & Elipot, Y. (2013). Feed or fight: a behavioral shift in blind cavefish. Communicative & integrative biology, 6 (2), 1-10.). Все эти изменения связаны с библиотечным геном, контролирующим развитие.
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В подтверждение этой идеи сравнительный анализ волков и деревенских собак (а именно тех, кто не претерпел намеренного интенсивного отбора по внешним данным или поведению) показывает, что гены нервного гребешка оказались в фокусе отбора в ходе одомашнивания (Boyko, A. R., Boyko, R. H., Boyko, C. M., Parker, H. G., Castelhano, M., Corey, L.,… Kityo, R. J. P. o. t. N. A. o. S. (2009). Complex population structure in African village dogs and its implications for inferring dog domestication history. pnas. 0902129106.). Это потенциальное исследование будущего, которое выявит, что животные от губанчика до бонобо претерпевали аналогичные изменения.
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T. Baumgartner, L. Gotte, R. Gugler, E. Fehr, The mentalizing network orchestrates the impact of parochial altruism on social norm enforcement. Human brain mapping 33, 1452–1469 (2012).
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Одним из объяснений скудной эмпатии является попадающий на рецепторы носа окситоцин, который заставляет людей реагировать скорее в стиле психопатов, чем крайних альтруистов. Эбигейл Марш выявила, что психопаты менее чувствительны к страху на лицах незнакомцев, а крайние альтруисты – максимально чувствительны (A. A. Marsh, The fear factor: How one emotion connects altruists, psychopaths, and everyone in-between. (Hachette Book Group, New York, 2017).). Другие исследователи выявили: если дать окситоцин одной этнической группе, то она станет менее чувствительна к страху или боли людей из другой этнической группы (X. Xu, X. Zuo, X. Wang, S. Han, Do you feel my pain? Racial group membership modulates empathic neural responses. Journal of Neuroscience 29, 8525–8529 (2009); F.Sheng, Y.Liu, B.Zhou, W.Zhou, S.Han, Oxytocin modulates the racial bias in neural responses to others’ suffering. Biological Psychology 92, 380–386 (2013).).
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Также людям задавался вопрос, насколько они согласны с утверждением «Мусульмане атаковали Бостон. Мы как жители планеты должны стереть их с лица Земли. Каждого». Тогда как большинство активно не соглашалось, после взрывов на марафоне в Бостоне был заметный сдвиг в сторону согласия с этим утверждением.
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Эксперименты показали: когда мы кого-то дегуманизируем, у нашего мозга возникает тенденция рассматривать каждую черту лица как нечто отдельное и даже не как часть лица. Когда мы рассматриваем чье-то лицо как объект, нам становится проще причинить вред этому человеку. (K. M. Fincher, P. E. Tetlock, M. W. Morris, Interfacing With Faces: Perceptual Humanization and Dehumanization. Current Directions in Psychological Science 26, 288–293 (2017).)
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В новый расизм также могут войти негативные стереотипы о чернокожих людях и отсутствие чувства безопасности, поскольку они несут угрозу белокожим и их позиции в расовой иерархии (P. M. Sniderman, E. G. Carmines, Reaching beyond race. PS: Political Science & Politics 30, 466–471 (1997); L.Bobo, V.L.Hutchings, Perceptions of racial group competition: Extending Blumer’s theory of group position to a multiracial social context. American Sociological Review, 951–972 (1996).). «Многие исследователи, которые имеют дело с расовыми предубеждениями, соглашаются, что в современном обществе они выражаются в более легкой форме» (N.Akrami, B.Ekehammar, T.Araya, Classical and modern racial prejudice: A study of attitudes toward immigrants in Sweden. European Journal of Social Psychology 30, 521–532 (2000).). Вместо геноцида эти новые предубеждения выражаются в «отрицании постоянного антагонистического отрицания, направленного на потребности меньшинства, и негодовании по поводу особых условий, создаваемых для меньшинств» (N.Akrami, B.Ekehammar, T.Araya, Classical and modern racial prejudice: A study of attitudes toward immigrants in Sweden. European Journal of Social Psychology 30, 521–532 (2000).). В качестве примера нового расизма криминалист Келли Велч указывает на стереотипы о чернокожем преступнике (K.Welch, Black criminal stereotypes and racial profiling. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 23, 276–288 (2007).). Газета Los Angeles Times докладывает, что наказание за курительный кокаин (который в основном используется чернокожими) строже, чем за нюхательный кокаин (обычно используемый белокожими) (J. Katz, in LA Times. (2000).). Согласно этой модели, новые предрассудки являют собой новый вид культуры, которая выражается иначе, чем изжившая себя форма.
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В социальной психологии дегуманизация привлекла только разрозненное внимание (N. Haslam, Dehumanization: An integrative review. Personality and social psychology review 10, 252–264 (2006).), и «вклад психологов в литературу о дегуманизации относительно скуден» (P. A. Goff, J. L. Eberhardt, M. J. Williams, M. C. Jackson, Not yet human: implicit knowledge, historical dehumanization, and contemporary consequences. Journal of personality and social psychology 94, 292–306 (2008).).
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Есть исключения – например, коренные американцы племени потлач, у которых в изобилии были природные прибрежные ресурсы. Они не занимались сельским хозяйством, однако у них возникли формы социальной иерархии (W. Suttles, in Man the hunter. (Routledge, 2017), pp. 56–68.).
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В ноябре 2013 года Конгресс одобряли всего 9 % населения – это минимальная цифра с момента запуска опросника Gallup в 1974 году. В течение нескольких последующих лет показатели почти не улучшались, в 2016 году эта цифра составила 13 % («Congress and the Public,» (Gallup, 2016).). Обычно мы больше доверяем Верховному суду и аппарату президента, но в 2014 году опрос показал рекордно низкий уровень одобрения: 30 % для Верховного суда и 35 % для аппарата президента (J. McCarthy, Americans Losing Confidence in All Branches of US Gov’t. Gallup Poll. (2014).).
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Один опрос показал, что всего лишь 32 % миллениалов считают важным жить при демократии. Каждый четвертый полагал, что демократия «плоха» или «очень плоха» как способ управления страной. Свыше 70 % опрошенных думают, что армия может легитимно захватить власть, если правительство не справляется со своей работой. И эти цифры усугубляются. В 1990 году 53 % американской молодежи интересовалось политикой. В 2005 году эта цифра снизилась до 41 %. В 1995 году только 1 человек из 16 думал, что будет хорошо, если страной начнет «управлять армия». К 2005 году так считал уже каждый 1 из 6. В период 1995–2011 годов количество американцев, которые хотели бы видеть в управленцах сильного лидера, который не будет заморачиваться парламентом и выборами, выросло с 25 до 36 %. К 2011 году это мнение начала разделять треть населения (R. S. Foa, Y. Mounk, The democratic disconnect. Journal of Democracy 27, 5-17 (2016).).
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Воспринимаемое ранее как небольшие разрозненные маргинальные группы, ультраправое крыло на момент 2016 года характеризуется как единая группа, которая начала оказывать значительное влияние на американскую политику. В мировой практике в июле 2016 года в 39 европейских странах были ультраправые партии в парламентах (D. Koehler, Right-Wing Extremism and Terrorism in Europe.). «Национальный фронт» Марин ле Пен, который был основан ее отцом-неонацистом, попал в последний тур президентских выборов во Франции. «Альтернатива для Германии», где Петри Фрауке предложила расстреливать беженцев при пересечении границы и запретить исламские символы, является третьей по влиятельности политической партией в стране. «Пегида», германская антиисламская партия, набирает поддержку, похожую на ралли Трампа, где журналистам требуется защита. Герт Вилдерс, которого обвиняли в инициировании насилия против мусульман, сейчас возглавляет самую популярную партию в Нидерландах. Если бы выборы проводились в 2016 году, она бы получила больше мест в правительстве, чем любая другая партия. Партия призывала закрыть исламские школы и регистрировать этническую принадлежность граждан Голландии. Они бы хотели депортировать международных преступников, ликвидировать сенат и выйти из Евросоюза. Партия сравнила Коран с автобиографией Гитлера и спонсировала антиисламскую пропаганду. «Золотая заря», имеющая подозрительно похожую на свастику символику, является третьей по значимости партией в Греции, и ее члены салютуют как нацисты. «Йоббик» – третья по величине партия в Венгрии, и она издала своего рода антисемитскую риторику, которой гордился бы Гитлер. «Шведские демократы» – сбивающее с толку название, поскольку партию основали приверженцы главенства белой расы, – третья по величине партия в Швеции. «Партия свободы», основанная офицером СС, по слухам, проиграла президентские выборы в Австрии в 2016 году.
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Согласно еще одному университетскому исследованию, студентов рандомно расселяли по комнатам с людьми или другой расы, или той же самой. Исследователи провели анкетирование первокурсников в начале и конце первого семестра. Они выявили, что первоначальный уровень удовлетворенности условиями был выше у тех, кто заселился с людьми своей расы, но затем уровень удовлетворенности у них упал, тогда как у проживающих с людьми другой расы – нет. Также у жителей смешанных комнат проявился значительный рост толерантности к студентам других рас, тогда как у первой группы этого не произошло. Белокожим студентам, проживающим с чернокожими, было комфортнее взаимодействовать со студентами других меньшинств к концу семестра. В конце семестра имплицитный контроль показал, что у жильцов смешанных комнат возросло положительное отношение к чернокожим, тогда как в комнатах, где жили студенты одной расы, этого не произошло (N. J. Shook, R. H. Fazio, Interracial roommate relationships: An experimental field test of the contact hypothesis. Psychological Science 19, 717–723 (2008).).
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Было продемонстрировано, что контакт снижает дегуманизацию таких этнических групп, как китайские студенты, чернокожие рабочие в ЮАР, турецкие школьники в Германии и иммигранты из Юго-Восточной Азии в Австралии. Он работает на пользу тех, кого традиционно подвергают дегуманизации: стариков, людей с психическими заболеваниями, больных СПИД, инвалидов и даже программистов (T. F. Pettigrew, Intergroup contact theory. Annual review of psychology 49, 65–85 (1998).). Мы не можем найти подтверждений тому, чтобы контакт был систематически неспособен улучшать социальные межгрупповые отношения.
585
Некоторые оспаривали эту идею, предполагая, что политические границы, разделяющие народы, являются эффективным средством поддержания мира (A. Rutherford, D. Harmon, J. Werfel, A. S. Gard-Murray, S. Bar-Yam, A. Gros, R. Xulvi-Brunet, Y. Bar-Yam, Good fences: The importance of setting boundaries for peaceful coexistence. PloS one 9, e95660 (2014).). Другие спорили, что теория контакта пока не получила комплексной оценки. Хотя дюжины исследований показывают непротиворечивый эффект, часто этот эффект является умеренным и в основном позволяет оценить уменьшение предубеждений, а не дегуманизации (которую, как правило, не измеряют) (E. L. Paluck, S. A. Green, D. P. Green, The contact hypothesis re-evaluated. Behavioural Public Policy, 1-30 (2018).).
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Большая часть рецензируемого нами исследования доступна онлайн по нескольким причинам: 1) Google имеет функцию, называемую Google Scholar, где вы можете скачать многие работы; 2) многие научные журналы разрешают свободный доступ к работам на своих веб-сайтах; 3) вы можете поискать веб-сайты ученых, которые являются авторами работ, и скачать их работы бесплатно; 4) наконец, для ученых нет большей радости, чем поделиться своими работами, если вы им напишете. Они с радостью выдадут вам документ, обсуждаемый в книге, если вы не сможете раздобыть его иным способом.